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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>17</Volume>
				<Issue>64</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Analyzing the role of Imami jurisprudence in providing social security with an emphasis on the capacity of jurisprudence</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Analyzing the role of Imami jurisprudence in providing social security with an emphasis on the capacity of jurisprudence</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>11</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>30</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">209638</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hadi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Khoshnodi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of Fiqh and Islamic Law, Shahid Mohlati Faculty of Qom</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0006-6813-4082</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ehsan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mostafapour</LastName>
<Affiliation>shahid mahalati/ Qom</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0006-6813-4082</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>12</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		    <Abstract>The inadequacies of material schools in providing worldly human happiness have been revealed to humanity. The security of human society is not exempted from this rule, and the emotional and mental construction of materialistic security, which is summarized in the form of some phenomena, is not able to replace real security, and the Imami jurisprudence, from the ever-revealing source, is able to satisfy all the worldly and hereafter needs of man. to cover However, due to some structural and governmental origins of the governments ruling the fabric of Islamic society during the past centuries, the attention of this capacity has decreased from some newly emerging social aspects. The main issue of this research is, what is the role of Imami jurisprudence in providing social security? Therefore, the purpose of this research is to explain the role of Imamiyyah jurisprudence in providing social security by emphasizing the capacity of jurisprudence rules. Considering that some previous researches in this field have not adequately covered endo or had a partial approach, the present research with a descriptive and analytical method, It is appropriate to express the capabilities of Shia jurisprudence in creating a social jurisprudence system. The results of this research showed that social security has theoretical foundations within jurisprudence and extrajurisprudence, and the capacity of jurisprudence in building social security consists of establishing human laws by using Islamic rulings and capacity Jurisprudential rules such as the rule of negating mustaches, maintaining order, equality, respect for Muslim property.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The inadequacies of material schools in providing worldly human happiness have been revealed to humanity. The security of human society is not exempted from this rule, and the emotional and mental construction of materialistic security, which is summarized in the form of some phenomena, is not able to replace real security, and the Imami jurisprudence, from the ever-revealing source, is able to satisfy all the worldly and hereafter needs of man. to cover However, due to some structural and governmental origins of the governments ruling the fabric of Islamic society during the past centuries, the attention of this capacity has decreased from some newly emerging social aspects. The main issue of this research is, what is the role of Imami jurisprudence in providing social security? Therefore, the purpose of this research is to explain the role of Imamiyyah jurisprudence in providing social security by emphasizing the capacity of jurisprudence rules. Considering that some previous researches in this field have not adequately covered endo or had a partial approach, the present research with a descriptive and analytical method, It is appropriate to express the capabilities of Shia jurisprudence in creating a social jurisprudence system. The results of this research showed that social security has theoretical foundations within jurisprudence and extrajurisprudence, and the capacity of jurisprudence in building social security consists of establishing human laws by using Islamic rulings and capacity Jurisprudential rules such as the rule of negating mustaches, maintaining order, equality, respect for Muslim property.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">social jurisprudence</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">social security</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Jurisprudential rules</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_209638_c98e1453f3f1f03eceac991e9ca15273.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>17</Volume>
				<Issue>64</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Inhibitors of political development in multi-ethnic areas and its impact on Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s national security</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Inhibitors of political development in multi-ethnic areas and its impact on Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s national security</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>31</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>59</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">209639</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Razavi Garegeshlag</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0000-6091-0821</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mojtaba</FirstName>
					<LastName>Maghsoudi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Political Science, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-6753-9738</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ehsan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Shakeri Khoee</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, Tabriz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tabriz, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0007-0271-0558</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>01</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		    <Abstract>Ethnic diversity and the way the government institution interacts with cultural pluralism have long been considered as one of the main issues of Islamic Republic of Iranian society. This research is trying to identify the obstacles to the political development of multi-ethnic regions and discuss their impact on Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s national security. Publish or Perish software was used to collect secondary data. A search in the semantic scholar database with the keywords &quot;political development&quot;, &quot;ethnic development&quot;, &quot;security&quot; and &quot;ethnicity&quot; showed that there are 356 valid studies published in scientific journals of the country. Based on the Prisma protocol, 66 scientific documents were included in the analysis basket for metasynthesis using maxqda2020 software. The meta-composite findings indicated those obstacles and their impact on Islamic Republic of Irans national security which are originating from two main categories, political development and ethnic development, each of which include cultural, social, economic, political, historical, geographical and security dimensions which are composed of 42 components and 91 indicators calculated from the base studies. In this article, &quot;tension-causing and de-security identity seekin &quot; was recognized as a combination of obstacles to political development in the multi-ethnic areas of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and at the end, &quot; comply ethnic justice and tolerance by strengthening the party mechanism in the direction of sustainable national security&quot; was also presented as a Restorative model of obstacles to Political development in multi-ethnic areas in order to consolidation of Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s national security.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Ethnic diversity and the way the government institution interacts with cultural pluralism have long been considered as one of the main issues of Islamic Republic of Iranian society. This research is trying to identify the obstacles to the political development of multi-ethnic regions and discuss their impact on Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s national security. Publish or Perish software was used to collect secondary data. A search in the semantic scholar database with the keywords &quot;political development&quot;, &quot;ethnic development&quot;, &quot;security&quot; and &quot;ethnicity&quot; showed that there are 356 valid studies published in scientific journals of the country. Based on the Prisma protocol, 66 scientific documents were included in the analysis basket for metasynthesis using maxqda2020 software. The meta-composite findings indicated those obstacles and their impact on Islamic Republic of Irans national security which are originating from two main categories, political development and ethnic development, each of which include cultural, social, economic, political, historical, geographical and security dimensions which are composed of 42 components and 91 indicators calculated from the base studies. In this article, &quot;tension-causing and de-security identity seekin &quot; was recognized as a combination of obstacles to political development in the multi-ethnic areas of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and at the end, &quot; comply ethnic justice and tolerance by strengthening the party mechanism in the direction of sustainable national security&quot; was also presented as a Restorative model of obstacles to Political development in multi-ethnic areas in order to consolidation of Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s national security.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">political development</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">National Security</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">multi-ethnic societies</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">hybridity</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_209639_263b7f4ca3c9b585c4d856e73320de2e.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>17</Volume>
				<Issue>64</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Convergence and divergence in Iran-China relations with an emphasis on the Persian Gulf region</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Convergence and divergence in Iran-China relations with an emphasis on the Persian Gulf region</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>61</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>86</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">209640</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Saeed</FirstName>
					<LastName>Vosoughi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Shahrooz</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ebrahimi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ahmad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Adinehvand</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, University of Isfahan, Isfahan City, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0002-1837-0678</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		    <Abstract>The economic growth of China in the last few decades and the emergence of this power in the international scene has caused this country to focus on the Persian Gulf region in order to access numerous sources of energy, oil and gas, and to try to improve its relations. strengthen with the countries of this region. Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran as a regional power with a special geopolitical and geostrategic position and having rich energy resources is of great importance in Chinese diplomacy. Despite this, the relations between these two countries have not always had a constant trend and many variables have played a role in shaping it. The main question of the current article is: why despite the deep convergence between the policies of China and Iran, there are also divergences between these two countries in relation to the Persian Gulf? The hypothesis that is raised following the mentioned question is that China&#039;s effort in the Persian Gulf to establish a soft balance through the strategic cover of the United States and also the desire of this country to improve relations with the countries of this region in order to diversify its needs to Energy has caused China to adopt a cautious policy towards Iran, which is in tension with the West and the international system, as well as the countries of the region. According to the findings of the research, this cautious policy has led to the divergence between China and Iran.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The economic growth of China in the last few decades and the emergence of this power in the international scene has caused this country to focus on the Persian Gulf region in order to access numerous sources of energy, oil and gas, and to try to improve its relations. strengthen with the countries of this region. Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran as a regional power with a special geopolitical and geostrategic position and having rich energy resources is of great importance in Chinese diplomacy. Despite this, the relations between these two countries have not always had a constant trend and many variables have played a role in shaping it. The main question of the current article is: why despite the deep convergence between the policies of China and Iran, there are also divergences between these two countries in relation to the Persian Gulf? The hypothesis that is raised following the mentioned question is that China&#039;s effort in the Persian Gulf to establish a soft balance through the strategic cover of the United States and also the desire of this country to improve relations with the countries of this region in order to diversify its needs to Energy has caused China to adopt a cautious policy towards Iran, which is in tension with the West and the international system, as well as the countries of the region. According to the findings of the research, this cautious policy has led to the divergence between China and Iran.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">convergence</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Divergence</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Persian Gulf</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Iran</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">China</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_209640_b0b6208db1b2b73592474df331948206.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>17</Volume>
				<Issue>64</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The role of private military and security companies in Iraq crisis (2003-2011)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The role of private military and security companies in Iraq crisis (2003-2011)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>87</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>114</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">209641</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Morteza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Nourmohammadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor of International Relations, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences, Allameh Tabataba&amp;#039;i University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-2196-4402</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Zahra</FirstName>
					<LastName>Sadeghi Khoorjestan</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of International Relations. Faculty of Law and Political Sciences. Allameh Tabataba&amp;amp;amp;#039;i University. Tehran. Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0006-6298-3403</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyed Yahya</FirstName>
					<LastName>Safavi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Geography, Imam Hussein University, Tehran, Iran, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0009-3271-5952</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>01</Month>
					<Day>01</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		    <Abstract>After the occupation of Iraq by the United States of America in 2003, the crisis entered a fragile phase and despite the fact that it was thought to be decreasing, it continued and became more complicated. In this crisis, well-known private military and security companies such as Blackwater, Triple Canopy, and Dyncorp, by providing defense services in the fields of reconstruction, logistics, intelligenc, security and maintenance, and training and consulting, became important actors whose role seems vague and ambiguous. In this article, we are trying to answer the question, what is the role of private military and security companies in Iraq crisis? This article examines the research hypothesis using the descriptive analytical method and using library and internet documents. The results of the research indicate that “the military and security companies have caused the escalation and continuation of the crisis by increasing the intervention of the United States of America in the fragile phase after the occupation of Iraq and facilitating the influence of this country in the reforms of the security sector. In fact, by influencing the amount and type of American intervention in the Iraq crisis, these activists have caused an increase in the level of violence, the inconsistency of the crisis, the increase in the number of crisis actors and the complexity of the issues of the Iraq crisis, which indicates the increase in the severity of this crisis.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">After the occupation of Iraq by the United States of America in 2003, the crisis entered a fragile phase and despite the fact that it was thought to be decreasing, it continued and became more complicated. In this crisis, well-known private military and security companies such as Blackwater, Triple Canopy, and Dyncorp, by providing defense services in the fields of reconstruction, logistics, intelligenc, security and maintenance, and training and consulting, became important actors whose role seems vague and ambiguous. In this article, we are trying to answer the question, what is the role of private military and security companies in Iraq crisis? This article examines the research hypothesis using the descriptive analytical method and using library and internet documents. The results of the research indicate that “the military and security companies have caused the escalation and continuation of the crisis by increasing the intervention of the United States of America in the fragile phase after the occupation of Iraq and facilitating the influence of this country in the reforms of the security sector. In fact, by influencing the amount and type of American intervention in the Iraq crisis, these activists have caused an increase in the level of violence, the inconsistency of the crisis, the increase in the number of crisis actors and the complexity of the issues of the Iraq crisis, which indicates the increase in the severity of this crisis.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">private military and security companies</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Iraq</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">United States of America</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Crisis</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_209641_4d5edd6f2d50315728b7479b7ed16393.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>17</Volume>
				<Issue>64</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Narcoterrorism and PKK&#039;s approach to drug trafficking from 2000 to 2021</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Narcoterrorism and PKK&#039;s approach to drug trafficking from 2000 to 2021</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>115</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>142</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">209642</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Reza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hamidi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D. student of International Relations, Department of Political Science, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>MIREBRAHIM</FirstName>
					<LastName>SEDDIGH</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Fakhruddin</FirstName>
					<LastName>Soltani</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-0849-4370</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		    <Abstract>Since 1984, the Kurdistan Workers&#039; Party or PKK has been waging an armed struggle against the central government of Turkey to gain autonomy in the Kurdistan region of Turkey, and for this purpose, the Kurdistan Workers&#039; Party has been listed as a terrorist group by the United States, the European Union, and several other countries. Therefore, in order to maintain themselves in the heart of power, Kurdish parties are trying to secure their financial resources through drug trafficking. This action, in turn, provided them with the financial resources they needed and also damaged their ideology among the countries. This research tries to investigate the effects of drug trafficking for the PKK terrorist group using the descriptive-analytical method and using the cost-benefit theory. Therefore, he has collected the necessary information from books, articles and internet sources. The question is, what approach did the PKK terrorist group adopt towards drug trafficking? And what has been the cost and benefit for this group? The working hypothesis states that PKK has a political-economic approach to drug trafficking, because drug trafficking provides financial expenses, purchase of military weapons, faster recruitment, strengthening its position among Kurdish parties, among other important things. The most important benefits of drug trafficking for this group and on the other hand being called terrorism, contamination of the Kurdish language and their forces, military tensions for the purpose of drug transit, reduction of political legitimacy among the people are among the most important costs. to mention.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Since 1984, the Kurdistan Workers&#039; Party or PKK has been waging an armed struggle against the central government of Turkey to gain autonomy in the Kurdistan region of Turkey, and for this purpose, the Kurdistan Workers&#039; Party has been listed as a terrorist group by the United States, the European Union, and several other countries. Therefore, in order to maintain themselves in the heart of power, Kurdish parties are trying to secure their financial resources through drug trafficking. This action, in turn, provided them with the financial resources they needed and also damaged their ideology among the countries. This research tries to investigate the effects of drug trafficking for the PKK terrorist group using the descriptive-analytical method and using the cost-benefit theory. Therefore, he has collected the necessary information from books, articles and internet sources. The question is, what approach did the PKK terrorist group adopt towards drug trafficking? And what has been the cost and benefit for this group? The working hypothesis states that PKK has a political-economic approach to drug trafficking, because drug trafficking provides financial expenses, purchase of military weapons, faster recruitment, strengthening its position among Kurdish parties, among other important things. The most important benefits of drug trafficking for this group and on the other hand being called terrorism, contamination of the Kurdish language and their forces, military tensions for the purpose of drug transit, reduction of political legitimacy among the people are among the most important costs. to mention.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">PKK's approach to drug trafficking</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">narco-terrorism</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">financial resources from drug transit</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">purchase of military weapons</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_209642_34057f58570b1fec1b43e284355e4967.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>17</Volume>
				<Issue>64</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>01</Month>
					<Day>29</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Turkey&#039;s territorial expansion in the South Caucasus and its effect on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Turkey&#039;s territorial expansion in the South Caucasus and its effect on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>143</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>169</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">209643</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mahdi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Elmi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Doctoral student of Political Geography, Tehran University of Research Sciences</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0009-9613-8496</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Rebaz</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghorbaninejad</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of Political Geography, Faculty of Geography, University of Research Sciences, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0009-9613-8496</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohamad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Akhbari</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of Political Geography, Faculty of Geography, Tehran Central Azad University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0009-2191-8471</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Azam</FirstName>
					<LastName>Yosefi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of Political Geography, Faculty of Geography, Azad University, Saveh Branch, Saveh, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0009-9613-8496</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
		    <Abstract>With the formation of newly independent states and countries, the Caucasus region has provided new opportunities and threats in economic, political and cultural fields for other countries - especially neighboring countries. As a result, regional powers such as Turkey and Iran are trying to increase their influence in this region. Therefore, the present research is descriptive-analytical and by referring to the available library documents and resources, seeking to answer these questions, what are the goals and interests of Turkey in the South Caucasus region, and based on these goals and interests of expanding Turkey&#039;s territory in this region. What effect will it have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results of his research showed that the expansion of the territory of Turkey, as analyzed separately in the findings of his research, could affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and be costly. The existence of conflicting and competitive interests between Iran and Turkey in the Caucasus region and Turkey&#039;s focus on this region as its private life has caused competition with the Islamic Republic of Iran and this has made Iran&#039;s regional success a challenge and it seems that the republic In order to achieve its national security goals in the South Caucasus region, Islamic Iran must prevent the geopolitical conquest of Turkey by using appropriate strategies.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">With the formation of newly independent states and countries, the Caucasus region has provided new opportunities and threats in economic, political and cultural fields for other countries - especially neighboring countries. As a result, regional powers such as Turkey and Iran are trying to increase their influence in this region. Therefore, the present research is descriptive-analytical and by referring to the available library documents and resources, seeking to answer these questions, what are the goals and interests of Turkey in the South Caucasus region, and based on these goals and interests of expanding Turkey&#039;s territory in this region. What effect will it have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results of his research showed that the expansion of the territory of Turkey, as analyzed separately in the findings of his research, could affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and be costly. The existence of conflicting and competitive interests between Iran and Turkey in the Caucasus region and Turkey&#039;s focus on this region as its private life has caused competition with the Islamic Republic of Iran and this has made Iran&#039;s regional success a challenge and it seems that the republic In order to achieve its national security goals in the South Caucasus region, Islamic Iran must prevent the geopolitical conquest of Turkey by using appropriate strategies.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">National Security</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Türkiye</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic republic of Iran</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">South Caucasus</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">territorial expansion</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_209643_915c5e7cdae9df69151320a3fdc027e7.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>17</Volume>
				<Issue>64</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Taliban and Security Threats against the Islamic Republic of Iran with an Emphasis on Hirmand&#039;s Environmental Factors (Designing a Pragmatic Model)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Taliban and Security Threats against the Islamic Republic of Iran with an Emphasis on Hirmand&#039;s Environmental Factors (Designing a Pragmatic Model)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>169</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>195</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">209644</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Khaled</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hazbavi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of International Relations, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Rohollah</FirstName>
					<LastName>Shahabi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of International Relations, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-9638-5264</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hossein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Karimiafrd</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Science, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Farzad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Navidinia</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Science, Andimshek Branch, Islamic Azad University, Andimshek, Iran.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-1540-2796</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		    <Abstract>This current research aims to design a pragmatic model of the security threats of the Taliban against the Islamic Republic of Iran, emphasizing the environmental factors of Hirmand. The current research is developmental in terms of its purpose; In terms of approach, it is done qualitatively and based on metacomposition. Based on this, the statistical population of the research includes a collection of articles that were published from 1392 to 1402 on the subject of Hirmand water, its security, and environmental issues. The authors selected 42 articles from among 160 articles by searching among prominent domestic scientific databases. After analyzing their content, categories and concepts were extracted and their prioritization was done using Shannon&#039;s entropy method. Based on the research findings, 28 concepts were identified in 8 categories and classified in the form of two categories of political-legal and geopolitical-environmental threats. Political-legal threats include political blackmail, non-compliance with legal laws, increased security and political movements of centrifugal forces, and geopolitical-environmental threats including hydro-political tensions, development of dam projects in Afghanistan, deviation in the Hirmand water path, the threat of Before the micro dusts and the destruction of the economy and agriculture of Baluchistan region.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">This current research aims to design a pragmatic model of the security threats of the Taliban against the Islamic Republic of Iran, emphasizing the environmental factors of Hirmand. The current research is developmental in terms of its purpose; In terms of approach, it is done qualitatively and based on metacomposition. Based on this, the statistical population of the research includes a collection of articles that were published from 1392 to 1402 on the subject of Hirmand water, its security, and environmental issues. The authors selected 42 articles from among 160 articles by searching among prominent domestic scientific databases. After analyzing their content, categories and concepts were extracted and their prioritization was done using Shannon&#039;s entropy method. Based on the research findings, 28 concepts were identified in 8 categories and classified in the form of two categories of political-legal and geopolitical-environmental threats. Political-legal threats include political blackmail, non-compliance with legal laws, increased security and political movements of centrifugal forces, and geopolitical-environmental threats including hydro-political tensions, development of dam projects in Afghanistan, deviation in the Hirmand water path, the threat of Before the micro dusts and the destruction of the economy and agriculture of Baluchistan region.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">security threats</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Taliban</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Copenhagen School</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">environment</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Hirmand</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_209644_d571f7c2b185f0b103226f5f71694e68.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>17</Volume>
				<Issue>64</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The context of the formation of regional alliances in West Asia after the changes in the Arab countries (2011-2023)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The context of the formation of regional alliances in West Asia after the changes in the Arab countries (2011-2023)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>197</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>218</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">209645</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Danyal</FirstName>
					<LastName>Rezapoor</LastName>
<Affiliation>associate professor</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-7964-1377</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Sedighe</FirstName>
					<LastName>Azin</LastName>
<Affiliation>ph d</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0005-0314-9470</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		    <Abstract>Instability in the West Asian region and the increase in uncertainties and fluid coalitions have caused a large amount of the field of vision of political decision makers in the region to decrease. Based on this, the present article has been written using a combination of Walt&#039;s threat balance theory and Bauman&#039;s blue modernity theory as an alternative approach in understanding the roots of alliances in West Asia. According to the above topics, this article seeks to answer the question, on what basis do the Arab states of the West Asian region enter into alliances with each other, and what variables influence their alliances? The hypothesis of the research is presented as follows: the presence of threats (real or imagined) at different levels of analysis, increasing the feeling of insecurity in turbulent times such as the developments in Arab countries, determines the preferences of governments regarding regional cooperation and the formation of coalitions. In contrast, the influential variables in coalitions are regional and international conflicts and concern for political survival in Arab states. In the present study, the approach of descriptive-analytical research and its method is process research and sample research as qualitative research methods. Documentary and library sources and reliable sources in the field of regional politics have also been used in the collection of information.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Instability in the West Asian region and the increase in uncertainties and fluid coalitions have caused a large amount of the field of vision of political decision makers in the region to decrease. Based on this, the present article has been written using a combination of Walt&#039;s threat balance theory and Bauman&#039;s blue modernity theory as an alternative approach in understanding the roots of alliances in West Asia. According to the above topics, this article seeks to answer the question, on what basis do the Arab states of the West Asian region enter into alliances with each other, and what variables influence their alliances? The hypothesis of the research is presented as follows: the presence of threats (real or imagined) at different levels of analysis, increasing the feeling of insecurity in turbulent times such as the developments in Arab countries, determines the preferences of governments regarding regional cooperation and the formation of coalitions. In contrast, the influential variables in coalitions are regional and international conflicts and concern for political survival in Arab states. In the present study, the approach of descriptive-analytical research and its method is process research and sample research as qualitative research methods. Documentary and library sources and reliable sources in the field of regional politics have also been used in the collection of information.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">West Asia</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">regional organizations</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Coalition</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Arab developments</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">power structure</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_209645_668e1c7e20a6d1c8151c546002fb8e9f.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>
</ArticleSet>
