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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>16</Volume>
				<Issue>59</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Conceptualizing the shrine as an exercise for the foreign policy of the Islamic state in the nation-state era</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Conceptualizing the shrine as an exercise for the foreign policy of the Islamic state in the nation-state era</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>11</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>36</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">208495</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad </FirstName>
					<LastName>Kamali Gooki</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Law, Political Sciences and History Department - Political Sciences . YAZD university</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>27</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The modern age, which emerged after the definition of man as a substitute for God in the school of humanism, faced a crisis of meaning and spirituality despite many material achievements. The European man acted in order to solve this crisis through constructed identities such as nationalism. But relying too much on one&#039;s national identity led to a new crisis called nationalism and trying to show the ethnic and racial superiority of one nation over other nations. This crisis in the Islamic world also manifested itself with the formation of nation-based governments, and the question that preoccupies the minds of Islamic thinkers and, ironically, this research, is that Muslims, despite the religion&#039;s emphasis on a single nation and the marginalization of national identities, In the age of nationalism and the formation of political borders, what should they look at the nation? In other words, which one is preferable in the nation-nation duality? character, and insight in this regard are examined. It seems that catching Soleimani&#039;s character is a good lesson for solving this crisis in the modern era. It can be said that he puts forward the &quot;Haram Theory&quot; in this regard.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The modern age, which emerged after the definition of man as a substitute for God in the school of humanism, faced a crisis of meaning and spirituality despite many material achievements. The European man acted in order to solve this crisis through constructed identities such as nationalism. But relying too much on one&#039;s national identity led to a new crisis called nationalism and trying to show the ethnic and racial superiority of one nation over other nations. This crisis in the Islamic world also manifested itself with the formation of nation-based governments, and the question that preoccupies the minds of Islamic thinkers and, ironically, this research, is that Muslims, despite the religion&#039;s emphasis on a single nation and the marginalization of national identities, In the age of nationalism and the formation of political borders, what should they look at the nation? In other words, which one is preferable in the nation-nation duality? character, and insight in this regard are examined. It seems that catching Soleimani&#039;s character is a good lesson for solving this crisis in the modern era. It can be said that he puts forward the &quot;Haram Theory&quot; in this regard.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Nation</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">The Muslim community</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Haram</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Political Borders</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">State Theory</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_208495_18d2a19f384d43f75a598e479f7ca5b6.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>16</Volume>
				<Issue>59</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Compilation of the strategic model of the sanctions policies of the United States towards the Islamic Republic of Iran with an emphasis on three major security discourses (Joe Biden's presidency)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Compilation of the strategic model of the sanctions policies of the United States towards the Islamic Republic of Iran with an emphasis on three major security discourses (Joe Biden&#039;s presidency)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>37</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>63</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">208496</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Jamshid </FirstName>
					<LastName>Rezaei Mirghaed</LastName>
<Affiliation>Ph.D. Candidate of International relations, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran,</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-2933-367X</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Rohollah </FirstName>
					<LastName>Shahabi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of International Relations, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran,</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-9638-5264</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Fereydoon </FirstName>
					<LastName>Akbarzadeh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor of Political Science, Ahvaz Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ahvaz, Iran, 09162348810</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-5704-1351</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2022</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>28</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>This article is researched in providing a reasoned and convincing answer to the question that the most important sanctions strategies of the United States against the Islamic Republic of Iran (with an emphasis on the Joe Biden era) are based on what discourses? The hypothesis of the authors or the central sign of the current article emphasizes the fact that the macro discourse of the United States in this period includes stopping policies, containment by delaying the domestic development of peaceful nuclear knowledge of Iran, destabilizing internal security and public order, disrupting the regionalist policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The article&#039;s findings by using the threat balance framework, analytical descriptive method, and using written and virtual sources, show the increasing cost of the Islamic Republic of Iran to defend the priorities of its national interests in the security-defense structure of the Middle East and forcing Iran to align its behavior. It is American policies that are formulated in the form of a strategic model. Finally, the authors will try to provide appropriate solutions for the Islamic Republic of Iran.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">This article is researched in providing a reasoned and convincing answer to the question that the most important sanctions strategies of the United States against the Islamic Republic of Iran (with an emphasis on the Joe Biden era) are based on what discourses? The hypothesis of the authors or the central sign of the current article emphasizes the fact that the macro discourse of the United States in this period includes stopping policies, containment by delaying the domestic development of peaceful nuclear knowledge of Iran, destabilizing internal security and public order, disrupting the regionalist policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The article&#039;s findings by using the threat balance framework, analytical descriptive method, and using written and virtual sources, show the increasing cost of the Islamic Republic of Iran to defend the priorities of its national interests in the security-defense structure of the Middle East and forcing Iran to align its behavior. It is American policies that are formulated in the form of a strategic model. Finally, the authors will try to provide appropriate solutions for the Islamic Republic of Iran.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">strategic model</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">United States</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Sanctions</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic republic of Iran</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Security discourse</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_208496_1698035edee03e378069616414f35fbd.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>16</Volume>
				<Issue>59</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Proportionality of Prophetic and Alevi ways in the face of internal subversives</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Proportionality of Prophetic and Alevi ways in the face of internal subversives</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>65</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>87</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">208497</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad </FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghasemi</LastName>
<Affiliation>researcher</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-3970-4027</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>15</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Jurisprudential and historical evidence indicates that the Holy Prophet of Islam, may God bless him and grant him peace, and the Commander of the Faithful, may God bless him and grant him peace, faced a range of internal subversives. These people have been trying to weaken the political system and harm those dignitaries in the form of soft and hard subversive measures. Although the Prophetic and Alevi way of dealing with soft subversives is the same; But in the face of the hard subversives, Amir al-Mu&#039;minin peace be upon him took up arms with the spectrum of subversives who were taking armed action; However, this type of action has not been reported by the Holy Prophet of Islam. The present article has paid attention to the philosophy and why of the distinction between these two ways. Based on this, he has tried to show with a descriptive and analytical method that the hypocrites of the time of the Prophet of Islam, peace and blessings of God be upon him, never had the courage to reveal their subversive actions. And now, Amir al-Mu&#039;minin, peace be upon him, was faced with a range of hypocrites who openly and openly took armed action against him and his political rule. Therefore, the distinction between two ways is not due to two different policies in the same conditions. In addition, considering the extension of the political guardianship of the Infallible (peace be upon him) and its exemplary application to the comprehensive jurisprudence, the life of Amir al-Mu&#039;minin (peace be upon him) in the face of soft and hard subversives in the age of occultation will also be followed and enforced.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Jurisprudential and historical evidence indicates that the Holy Prophet of Islam, may God bless him and grant him peace, and the Commander of the Faithful, may God bless him and grant him peace, faced a range of internal subversives. These people have been trying to weaken the political system and harm those dignitaries in the form of soft and hard subversive measures. Although the Prophetic and Alevi way of dealing with soft subversives is the same; But in the face of the hard subversives, Amir al-Mu&#039;minin peace be upon him took up arms with the spectrum of subversives who were taking armed action; However, this type of action has not been reported by the Holy Prophet of Islam. The present article has paid attention to the philosophy and why of the distinction between these two ways. Based on this, he has tried to show with a descriptive and analytical method that the hypocrites of the time of the Prophet of Islam, peace and blessings of God be upon him, never had the courage to reveal their subversive actions. And now, Amir al-Mu&#039;minin, peace be upon him, was faced with a range of hypocrites who openly and openly took armed action against him and his political rule. Therefore, the distinction between two ways is not due to two different policies in the same conditions. In addition, considering the extension of the political guardianship of the Infallible (peace be upon him) and its exemplary application to the comprehensive jurisprudence, the life of Amir al-Mu&#039;minin (peace be upon him) in the face of soft and hard subversives in the age of occultation will also be followed and enforced.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Prophetic way</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Alavi way</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">hard and soft subversion</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">confrontation</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_208497_8c3ae00bac3e87f2c8bd68cc22c1ea74.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>16</Volume>
				<Issue>59</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Theoretical approaches to the concept of social collapse of Iranian society and their criticism and evaluation</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Theoretical approaches to the concept of social collapse of Iranian society and their criticism and evaluation</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>89</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>116</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">208498</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali </FirstName>
					<LastName>Kakadezfuli</LastName>
<Affiliation>shahed university</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-5231-0754</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>03</Month>
					<Day>15</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Social collapse is a situation in which the society loses its support systems including political, social, economic, cultural and identity systems and collapses. Although some signs can bring the idea of social collapse to the minds of analysts as a possibility, it is not possible to accurately predict when and in which societies social collapse will occur. This article, with the method of documentary analysis and based on the social order framework of Masoud Chalabi, aims to identify theoretical approaches to the concept of social collapse of Iranian society in the last three decades. The views of supporters of the concept of social collapse can be divided into three political-social, economic-social and cultural-social approaches, and the approaches of opponents of this concept can be divided into two categories: views that are completely against the concept and views that support alternative ideas. The findings show that the believers in the concept of social collapse do not have enough evidence to prove this issue in relation to the Iranian society, and on the other hand, the current situation of the Iranian society is completely different from the situation that can be described as the situation on the verge of collapse, and the assumptions based on They are wrong on this idea. In this article, while identifying and categorizing the theoretical approaches, the most important arguments of supporters and opponents of Angareh have been stated and reviewed.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Social collapse is a situation in which the society loses its support systems including political, social, economic, cultural and identity systems and collapses. Although some signs can bring the idea of social collapse to the minds of analysts as a possibility, it is not possible to accurately predict when and in which societies social collapse will occur. This article, with the method of documentary analysis and based on the social order framework of Masoud Chalabi, aims to identify theoretical approaches to the concept of social collapse of Iranian society in the last three decades. The views of supporters of the concept of social collapse can be divided into three political-social, economic-social and cultural-social approaches, and the approaches of opponents of this concept can be divided into two categories: views that are completely against the concept and views that support alternative ideas. The findings show that the believers in the concept of social collapse do not have enough evidence to prove this issue in relation to the Iranian society, and on the other hand, the current situation of the Iranian society is completely different from the situation that can be described as the situation on the verge of collapse, and the assumptions based on They are wrong on this idea. In this article, while identifying and categorizing the theoretical approaches, the most important arguments of supporters and opponents of Angareh have been stated and reviewed.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Social collapse</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic Revolution</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Social chaos</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_208498_97de59b086acfe14f06c38b54aa5f01c.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>16</Volume>
				<Issue>59</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Explanation of defense-security trends in the South Caucasus geopolitical area (Azerbaijan, Georgia, Armenia) and Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Explanation of defense-security trends in the South Caucasus geopolitical area (Azerbaijan, Georgia, Armenia) and Iran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>117</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>146</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">208499</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Afshin </FirstName>
					<LastName>Mottaghi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Political geography, geography kharzmi university Tehran iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-4406-3236</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad </FirstName>
					<LastName>Amereh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Geography, College of Geographical Sciences, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-2990-3409</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The border and territorial disputes between the Caucasus countries in the last 3 decades have caused insecurity and spread it to the neighboring countries, and the conflict of interests has created a kind of three-level intra-regional, extra-regional and global competition and has caused the formation of a geopolitical crisis in the region, which has the consequences of Among them are the possibility of cutting the border between Iran and Armenia, the rise of Turkey, Russia and Israel in the Caucasus, the increase of ethnic and separatist movements in the northwest of the country, the limitation of the communication path between Iran and Europe, the removal of Iran from the European energy market and the reduction of the dependence of Armenia and Azerbaijan on Iran. had. The events of this region are of special importance due to their direct connection with the security and national interests of Iran. Especially, because of its tense nature, this crisis cannot be easily resolved and it takes time. For this reason, the South Caucasus is important for Iran as an external region close to Iran and the gateway of Iran to Europe in various ways, and it is the source of many threats and opportunities for us. In this regard, the current research tries to reread the events of the South Caucasus in 2020 through document and library data collection and with a descriptive-analytical method, and based on the available information, achieve appropriate strategies to defend the interests and national security of Iran.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The border and territorial disputes between the Caucasus countries in the last 3 decades have caused insecurity and spread it to the neighboring countries, and the conflict of interests has created a kind of three-level intra-regional, extra-regional and global competition and has caused the formation of a geopolitical crisis in the region, which has the consequences of Among them are the possibility of cutting the border between Iran and Armenia, the rise of Turkey, Russia and Israel in the Caucasus, the increase of ethnic and separatist movements in the northwest of the country, the limitation of the communication path between Iran and Europe, the removal of Iran from the European energy market and the reduction of the dependence of Armenia and Azerbaijan on Iran. had. The events of this region are of special importance due to their direct connection with the security and national interests of Iran. Especially, because of its tense nature, this crisis cannot be easily resolved and it takes time. For this reason, the South Caucasus is important for Iran as an external region close to Iran and the gateway of Iran to Europe in various ways, and it is the source of many threats and opportunities for us. In this regard, the current research tries to reread the events of the South Caucasus in 2020 through document and library data collection and with a descriptive-analytical method, and based on the available information, achieve appropriate strategies to defend the interests and national security of Iran.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"South Caucasus"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"Karabagh War 2020"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"Armenia"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"Republic of Azerbaijan"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"Zangzor Corridor"</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_208499_4e9fb0d18fb0e9619d15a38fb6c5e0ac.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>16</Volume>
				<Issue>59</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>International Responsibility of States for Using of Laser Weapons in Armed Conflicts</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>International Responsibility of States for Using of Laser Weapons in Armed Conflicts</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>147</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>175</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">208500</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Saeed </FirstName>
					<LastName>Dehdashti Ardekani</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student, International Law, Islamic Azad University, Najafabad Branch, Najafabad, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Masoud </FirstName>
					<LastName>Raei</LastName>
<Affiliation>Professor at Islamic Azad University of Najafabad</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Manoochehr </FirstName>
					<LastName>Tavassoli Naeini</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of Law, Faculty of Administrative Sciences and Economics, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>10</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Abstract&lt;br /&gt;With the development of new military technologies and the supply of laser weapons and military equipment to the context of international and non-international armed conflicts and the inconsistency of international legal rules and regulations to control and limit the use of said technologies, the witness of concern in the international legal community We are. The use of laser weapons in international and non-international armed conflicts is a violation of the Fourth Additional Protocol of 1995 to the 1980 Convention on Conventional Weapons, in which the use of laser weapons that result in blindness and vision impairment is prohibited. Rule 86 of customary international humanitarian law also prohibits the use of laser weapons. Based on Article 36 of the 1st Additional Protocol of 1977, the governments in the production and use of new weapons and equipment should ensure that they are not prohibited from the perspective of international rules and laws. Using the aforementioned weapons in armed conflicts is a violation of international obligations. The main goal of this research is to verify the international responsibility of governments in using laser weapons in military operations. Therefore, by using an applied research with a descriptive-analytical method to collect the data obtained through library studies and field investigation, we have sought to realize this goal. The result of the research showed that the use of laser weapons is a violation of the above-mentioned international obligations, and considering the conditions of hostilities and the declaration of the governments.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Abstract&lt;br /&gt;With the development of new military technologies and the supply of laser weapons and military equipment to the context of international and non-international armed conflicts and the inconsistency of international legal rules and regulations to control and limit the use of said technologies, the witness of concern in the international legal community We are. The use of laser weapons in international and non-international armed conflicts is a violation of the Fourth Additional Protocol of 1995 to the 1980 Convention on Conventional Weapons, in which the use of laser weapons that result in blindness and vision impairment is prohibited. Rule 86 of customary international humanitarian law also prohibits the use of laser weapons. Based on Article 36 of the 1st Additional Protocol of 1977, the governments in the production and use of new weapons and equipment should ensure that they are not prohibited from the perspective of international rules and laws. Using the aforementioned weapons in armed conflicts is a violation of international obligations. The main goal of this research is to verify the international responsibility of governments in using laser weapons in military operations. Therefore, by using an applied research with a descriptive-analytical method to collect the data obtained through library studies and field investigation, we have sought to realize this goal. The result of the research showed that the use of laser weapons is a violation of the above-mentioned international obligations, and considering the conditions of hostilities and the declaration of the governments.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">International Responsibility</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Thematic law</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Customary law</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Armed conflict</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Laser weapons</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_208500_86c2f6669f71703af77b3df489a424ce.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Imam Hussein University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Security Horizons</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2538-1857</Issn>
				<Volume>16</Volume>
				<Issue>59</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The role of civilian drones in disrupting order and security</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The role of civilian drones in disrupting order and security</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>177</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>203</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">208501</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali </FirstName>
					<LastName>Mirzaee Kahagh</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant professor, Department of Aerial, Amin Police University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-8668-9459</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Alireza </FirstName>
					<LastName>Sekhawat Benis</LastName>
<Affiliation>Lecturer, Department of Aerial, Amin Police University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-2694-7182</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2023</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>drones are a useful tool and even fun at times. But along with many applications, they will have wide threats. The current research was carried out with the aim of investigating the role of civilian drones in disrupting order and security.&lt;br /&gt;The current research method was mixed-exploratory. The research data was compiled in the field and through semi-structured interviews in the qualitative part and the distribution of questionnaires in the quantitative part. The validity of the quantitative part of the questionnaire was confirmed through face validity and its reliability was reported as 0.89. The participants in the qualitative part included 14 experts from Faraja, the Revolutionary Guards, and other security agencies until the theoretical and socio-statistical saturation was reached. They have directly and indirectly used drones in their crimes. In order to analyze the qualitative data using the thematic analysis method, MAXQDA software was used, and SPSS software was used for the descriptive and inferential analysis of the questionnaire data. The interview with experts led to the identification of the functions of civilian drones in disrupting order and security in the form of 38 basic themes, 7 organizing themes, and 2 comprehensive themes. The results showed that UAVs can cause disturbances in order and security through intelligence measures (protection and care, location, covert collection) and operational measures (transfer, combat, and suicide, forest, combat, and intelligence support).</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">drones are a useful tool and even fun at times. But along with many applications, they will have wide threats. The current research was carried out with the aim of investigating the role of civilian drones in disrupting order and security.&lt;br /&gt;The current research method was mixed-exploratory. The research data was compiled in the field and through semi-structured interviews in the qualitative part and the distribution of questionnaires in the quantitative part. The validity of the quantitative part of the questionnaire was confirmed through face validity and its reliability was reported as 0.89. The participants in the qualitative part included 14 experts from Faraja, the Revolutionary Guards, and other security agencies until the theoretical and socio-statistical saturation was reached. They have directly and indirectly used drones in their crimes. In order to analyze the qualitative data using the thematic analysis method, MAXQDA software was used, and SPSS software was used for the descriptive and inferential analysis of the questionnaire data. The interview with experts led to the identification of the functions of civilian drones in disrupting order and security in the form of 38 basic themes, 7 organizing themes, and 2 comprehensive themes. The results showed that UAVs can cause disturbances in order and security through intelligence measures (protection and care, location, covert collection) and operational measures (transfer, combat, and suicide, forest, combat, and intelligence support).</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">order</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">security</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Drone</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">civilian</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Disruption</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://ps.ihu.ac.ir/article_208501_c13f53e19213afa68571ac30239f3f0c.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>
</ArticleSet>
